|1. Russia from mikenova (111 sites)|
|В мире Новости Google: Хакеры взломали «Твиттер» УВД Могилевского облисполкома – Новости Самары|
В мире Новости Google
|Window on Eurasia — New Series: Putins Language Policies Offending Russians Almost as Much as Non-Russians|
Staunton, November 26 Not surprisingly, Vladimir Putins insistence that no non-Russian language should be a required subject in schools in the Russian Federation has offended and angered many non-Russians who see it as an attack on a core part of their identities and even a threat to their existence.
But the way this principle is being applied isnt making a large number of Russians happy either because education officials are now insisting that Russian not be called a native language in schools but only a state language, something many Russians see as an attack on their identity and a threat as well (/ura.news/news/1052313882).
In Yekaterinburg, the URA news agency reports, school administrators have called for the development of a new curriculum for Russian that will not call Russian a native language lest that offend representatives of other peoples but only a state language, a shift that has offended Russians who view it as native to themselves (ura.news/articles/1036273066).
According to URA journalists Lev Istomin and Oleg Teploukov, the officials propose introducing two different subjects: Russian language as the state language and Russian as a native language for those who consider it to be native. Experts and commentators are dismissive of this idea and its consequences.
Aleksey Kushnir, editor of Narodnoye obozreniye, says he is certain that such innovations will not bring any good. Today, Russian and non-Russian languages arent being taught well; and the public needs to be involved in any such change rather than officials assuming they can simply decree it.
Georgy Zharkoy, editor of RSP-Ekspert, says that the move will have even worse consequences than the current situation does. Dividing a language into native and non-native can sharpen inter-ethnic relations in the country by giving rise to a sense of injustice and injury among both groups.
Aleksanpdr Buzgalin, an economist at Moscow State University, says that in order not to cause a social split, one should divide Russian into two subjects only in regions with a multi-national population, for example, in the non-Russian republics.
In a number of republics of the Russian Federation, Russian is not a native language for a large number of residents. In some, Russian isnt taught enough, and the state language needs to be promoted. But introducing new rules in those regions where people in fact do not speak other languages is senseless.
Window on Eurasia — New Series
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В мире Новости Google
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|В текущем году военнослужащие десантно-штурмового батальона БФ принимали участие во всех учениях Балтийского флота, а также походах в акватории Атлантического и Индийского океанов, Балтийского, Северного, Красного и Средиземного морей.RSS|
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|Russia News: 5:10 AM 11/27/2017 Mike Novas Shared NewsLinks: Merkels CDU agrees to pursue grand coalition in Germany|
|Mike Novas Shared NewsLinks Mike Nova’s Shared NewsLinks Merkel’s CDU agrees to pursue grand coalition in Germany 4:52 PM 11/26/2017 fbi criticism Google Search fbi criticism – Google Search Rutherford Institute – Wikipedia Rutherford Institute – Google Search Jared Kushners Vast Duties, and Visibility in White House, Shrink ‘Better than the Game of Thrones’: Ex-CIA … Continue reading”5:10 AM 11/27/2017 – Mike Novas Shared NewsLinks: Merkel’s CDU agrees to pursue grand coalition in Germany”Russia News|
|Window on Eurasia — New Series: Kremlins Promotion of Imperial Identity Precludes Rise of Civic Russian One, Emil Pain Says|
Staunton, November 26 Since the early 1990s, the Kremlin has promoted the revival of an imperial identity among Russians, something that precludes anytime soon the development of a civic Russian one, according to Emil Pain, a leading Russian specialist on ethnic conflict at Moscows Higher School of Economics.
In a new book written with his student Sergey Fedyunin, Nation and Democracy: Prospects for the Administration of Cultural Diversity (in Russian, Moscow,2017), Pain argues that Russian liberals, having rejected the idea of the nation have not been able to
Formulate an image of the future which a large portion of Russians share.
Instead, he continues, they have watched in many cases seemingly passively as the Russian government since the early 1990s and especially since 2000 has revived the notion of empire that by itself makes impossible not only the development of Russian ethnic identity but of Russian democracy.
The Open Russia portal has now posted on line the chapter in Pain and Fedyunins book on The Intentional Reconstruction of Imperial Consciousness: Stages and Mechanisms in which the ethnic specialist makes this argument by tracing changes in Russian identity since the end of Soviet times (openrussia.org/notes/716553/).
Post-Soviet Russia can serve as an obvious case of how imperial consciousness has literally been imposed on a society. When the Soviet Union fell apart, few Russians felt they had lost anything by the exit of the non-Russian union republics. According to polls in 1993, for example, only 16 percent expressed the slightest signs of regret about that.
Instead, Russians overwhelmingly saw themselves as becoming part of the West, and only some marginal figures, invoking the will of the people without the slightest basis, promoted a special Russian path or imperial revival. But as the difficulties of making the transition became clearer, by the mid-1990s, this positive view of the West began to erode.
By 2001, two Russians out of three agreed with the statement that the Western variant of social organization in one way or another is not suitable for Russian conditions and contradicts the way of life of the Russian people. And that was true not only despite but because changes in Russia were less than for example in Poland or the Baltic countries.
Changes happened there because re-entering Europe was the core national idea, Pain continues; but in Russia, there was no such defense mechanism in popular consciousness: the movement toward Europe was not a goal in and of itself: On the contrary, this idea depended on several others.
As a result, he says, by 1990, another thesis had become popular [in Russia]: Sovialism was not so bad; rather its leaders were bad, and by the beginning of the 2000s, even the Soviet leaders were being rehabilitated. The return of Stalin from dismissive contempt to a central hero is a clear case of this.
Because of the difficulties of the 1990s, traditional Soviet stereotypes arose among many Russians including the notion that stability and order are only possible with authoritarian rulers. But that didnt happen automatically. Instead, it was actively promoted by the political elite for its own purposes.
As a result, in 2002, for the first time in 15 years the disintegration of the USSR was viewed by respondents [to VTsIOM polls] as the chief and most dramatic event of this entire period. And along with this, Pain suggests, Russians rapidly revived the enemies the Soviet Union had.
In 1991, only 12 percent of those questioned considered the West (above all the US) an enemy; in 1994, already 41 percent did; and in 1999, at the time of the bombing of Belgrade, almost two-thirds 65 percent viewed the US as an enemy. By 2014, this hostility to the West became almost total.
This growth of hostility toward the West is not connected in mass consciousness with the revival of Soviet aspects of life in Russia, Pain says. Rather most of them thought in the following way: Well weve changed and become a democracy, but the West as before doesnt love us [because of its] inborn Russophobia.
Alongside the return of Soviet consciousness in Russia at the end of the 1990s was gradually rehabilitated the idea of the empire in its pre-Soviet version. And while the country was called a federation, it has acquired (or more precisely restored) aspects of an imperial system.
That represents a clear departure from Soviet times when Russians had been taught that empires and imperialism were by definition evil and to be rejected. But it reflected the efforts of people like Aleksandr Dugin and Aleksandr Prokhanov to promote the idea that a Russian empire was a good thing and should be revived.
But it arose in popular consciousness less because of their ideas than because empire became a business brand, the name of the most popular kinds of vodka, a designation for the best classes of hotels, and even a term to capture the best of taste or spirit. And the neo-imperial style became dominant in architecture and city planning.
This imperial consciousness began to exert significant influence on political life and leading to the revival of imperial aspects in the political life of Russia, the ethnic specialist continues.
The only way this trend can be opposed, Pain says, is by redefining the nation in a civic sense and rejecting its traditional mythologization. But for that to happen, he argues, Russians must first define who they are in relation to power subjects or sovereigns because unless that happens and in an imperial system, it cant no redefinition will matter.
The development of the concept of civic nationalism requires the opening of the path for the transformation of society on the basis of liberal values, constitutionalism, and democracy. But given the current imperial consciousness, any discussion of this cant be taken entirely seriously.
Today, he writes, Russia suffers from the reproduction of the model of imperial nationalism which gives the country instruments from the past which are unsuitable for life in the contemporary world. And one cant count on a positive evolution of Russian nationalism in this situation.
What Russians call imperialism is in fact post-imperial consciousness, which includes nostalgia for the times of classical empires, resentment, and various kinds of political fears. It is characteristic not only for Russian state power supporters but also for representatives of various ethnic communities.
But it can and must be challenged head on because the liberal opposition, as the numbers taking part in demonstrations show, is more prepared for self-organization than are the Russian nationalists.
Tragically, etatism in essence is paralyzing social activity, but civic indifference is compensated for by the cult of the leader and the mythologization of the people as ours. At the same time, however, there is hope because of the nature of the imperial consciousness now on public view.
The very fact that imperial consciousness [in Russia today] does not have a clear ethnic dimension and is not translated via the channels of cultural tradition but rather is formed under the influence of socio-political circumstances and direct construction indicates that there is a chance for the radical reprogramming of such mass consciousness.
That may require a major national trauma as was the case with Germany or it may occur as a result of evolutionary processes as was the case in France. But it isnt something likely to be immediate in Russia because at present there is not a single political force which is capable of beginning the deconstruction of imperial consciousness.
Window on Eurasia — New Series
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|Russia News: 5:06 AM 11/27/2017 All Selected Articles Russia|
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